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Stimulus II Won't Work, Either
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Mamblog Section - Economics and Financial Services
Written by Sheldon Richman   
Saturday, 17 September 2011
Stimulus II Won't Work, Either 
by Sheldon Richman
 
President Obama won’t use the “stimulus” label to describe his nearly half-trillion-dollar jobs bill, but that refusal can’t hide the fact that he has no idea how economies recover from recessions. “Stimulus” is a tainted label because his $800 billion bill in 2009 was a failure. His economic team promised that passing that bill would keep unemployment from exceeding 8 percent. The bill passed, and unemployment climbed to more than 9 percent and has stayed there ever since.
 
With election day only 14 months off, one can readily see Obama’s desperation for a job program.
 
The administration insists things would have been worse without the stimulus bill, but no good theory supports that assertion. Here’s the key: “Stimulus” implies that something enters the economy from outside, like a defibrillator applying an electrical shock to the heart. But any money the government appears to inject into the economy was already in the economy and therefore was just moved around. If the government cuts taxes but keeps spending, no net addition of resources is made. Its borrowing and its new taxes have to come from somewhere.
 
As George Mason University economist Russ Roberts says, government’s stimulus of an economy is equivalent to taking water from the deep end of a pool and pouring it into the shallow end.
 
Did the first stimulus create or save 3.5 million jobs, as the administration claims? It depends on what you mean by “create,” &#147save,” and “jobs.”
 
It is certainly true that the federal government gave money to the states and localities, and some of that money was used to pay teachers, police officers, and firefighters. However, saying the money “saved” those jobs implies they really would have really vanished without federal money. In some cases, state and local politicians may have been engaging in fear-mongering. It’s happened before. But even if they weren’t, the claim assumes that if federal money hadn’t materialized, those politicians wouldn’t have found other things to cut in order to keep paying the teachers, police, and firefighters — the bloated administrative bureaucracies, for instance. We’ll never know because they were relieved of the necessity — the mother of invention — of making the “tough choices” they always say they are elected to make.
 
What about other jobs? Two recent studies by Garett Jones and Daniel Rothschild of the Mercatus Center demonstrate that most of the jobs were filled by hiring people away from jobs they already held. “[Hiring] people from unemployment was more the exception than the rule in our interviews,” the authors write. Some will claim that that is fine because the vacated jobs were available to the unemployed. But that implies highly skilled people were sitting around waiting for those jobs, and that is not the case. Moreover, the companies that lost employees had to incur high search and training costs to refill the jobs.
 
Supporters of Obama’s latest stimulus claim that repairing bridges and schools will put the unemployed to work. But it won’t happen because the unemployed aren’t typically qualified for such work. The thinking behind stimulus plans presumes that labor is easily interchangeable. It’s not. As one employer put it, “[The] type of construction home builders are trained for has nothing to do with bridges.” The federal government has increased infrastructure spending for 25 years, and Japan tried to jump-start its economy for 10 years with such projects. No economic miracles occurred.
 
There’s a deeper point. In economics a job is employment that creates value by helping to transform resources from a less-useful to a more-useful condition. In a free market, prices, consumer behavior, and profit-and-loss sheets signal whether that criterion is met. A job is not merely exertion for which someone is paid. In the case of government and government-financed jobs, where resources are acquired by force (taxation) and there is no market pricing at every stage, we can’t be sure that people who “work” actually create rather than destroy value. They may sweat, but they that doesn’t mean they have jobs.
 
So, then, how does an economy recovery? Free people create economic growth when government backs off and lets them correct the mistakes induced by earlier monetary and regulatory stimuli. Nothing less will work lastingly.
 
Sheldon Richman is senior fellow at The Future of Freedom Foundation (www.fff.org) and editor of The Freeman magazine.

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9/11 and the National Security Scam
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Mamblog Section - Foreign Policy, Military and War
Written by Sheldon Richman   
Tuesday, 13 September 2011
9/11 and the National Security Scam
by Sheldon Richman
 
National security is a scam — an $8 trillion scam.
 
That’s the amount spent since September 11, 2001, on the military, including the Iraq and Afghan wars, and “homeland security,” according to Christopher Hellman of the National Priorities Project. If “veterans benefits, future costs for treating the war-wounded, and interest payments on war-related borrowing” are added, Hellman writes, the cost is much higher: $11 trillion, by the estimate of Brown University’s Watson Institute for International Studies. Hellman says by his reckoning, the full cost of “security” is $1.2 trillion a year.
 
And yet officials say Americans must not let down their guard. The mildest calls for cuts in the rate of growth in military spending are met with panic by “defense” officials.
 
Considering that all that spending was triggered by a ragtag group of airplane hijackers armed with box cutters on 9/11, something just doesn’t add up. (Locks on flight-deck doors and armed pilots would have averted the attacks.) As Thomas Paine, the soul of the American Revolution, wrote in The Rights of Man about the British empire, “In reviewing the history of the English Government, its wars and its taxes, a bystander, not blinded by prejudice nor warped by interest, would declare that taxes were not raised to carry on wars, but that wars were raised to carry on taxes.”
 
In America’s case, however, it is debt, not explicit taxes, that was raised. On September 30, 2000, the national debt was $5.67 trillion. Today it is $14.7 trillion, a 160 percent increase. But debt could well represent future taxes or inflation, an implicit tax on cash balances — if the government thinks it can get away with it.
 
It is said that 9/11 changed everything, but in fact it changed nothing whatsoever. Opportunistic politicians simply used the attacks to do much more of what they had already been doing and were hoping to continue in greater measure. Admittedly they were good at that. The attacks gave them a unique chance to frighten Americans into acceding to whatever the ruling elite wanted. As a result, those trillions were spent with little real oversight — the overseers were part of the conspiracy against the taxpayers. Reports say that $60 billion in contract money for Iraq and Afghanistan has been diverted to unknown recipients. The Pentagon routinely loses track of billions of dollars.
 
The military-industrial complex has never been larger or more pervasive. Thousands of companies exist to sell expensive things to the government. Fortunes have been made. The post–9/11 period has been a feeding frenzy at the taxpayers’ trough — grand larceny of historic proportions.
 
The attitude was well illustrated by Rep. James Clyburn, a South Carolina Progressive Democrat who worries that military spending might be cut because of concern about the budget deficit. Does he worry because he fears that security will diminish? No, he explained, he worries because he has military bases in his congressional district.
 
And people wonder why the economy is in a rut.
 
Of course, that is only part of the story. Monetary costs aside, the security fetish has cost Americans their privacy, turned the presidency into a virtual autocracy, and further blackened America’s reputation abroad with civilian-killing drone attacks and house raids in the night. The image of the United States has been firmly set as The Invader and The Torturer.
 
But isn’t all that, however regrettable, necessary because there are people out there who want to kill us? That’s what the national-security elite would like you to think. We’re told “they” attacked us because they hate our freedoms. If true, they must surely hate us a lot less now, thanks to the USA PATRIOT Act. Some say there is an intrinsic conflict between Islam and the West.
 
That’s all self-serving nonsense. The 9/11 attacks were intended as retribution for decades of U.S. policy that has inflicted death and misery on Arabs through support for oppressive Middle East regimes and direct military and CIA operations. The attackers committed mass murder, to be sure, but Americans won’t be safe if they don’t comprehend the danger. U.S. foreign intervention provoked the attackers, and the U.S. response played into their hands by creating more people who seek vengeance and by bleeding Americans financially.
 
Wherever Osama bin Laden is now, I suspect he’s laughing.
 
Sheldon Richman is senior fellow at The Future of Freedom Foundation (www.fff.org) and editor of The Freeman magazine.

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Libya Is Nothing for Obama to Be Proud Of
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Mamblog Section - Foreign Policy, Military and War
Written by Sheldon Richman   
Sunday, 04 September 2011
Libya Is Nothing for Obama to Be Proud Of
by Sheldon Richman
 
Barack Obama will no doubt list the overthrow of Muammar Qaddafi in Libya as one of his foreign-policy triumphs. But anyone paying close attention will realize that Obama should be ashamed of what he did. Indeed, Congress should be inquiring whether he committed an impeachable offense.
 
What did he do? Like an autocrat, he committed U.S. military forces to a civil war in a foreign country without asking for a congressional declaration, as the U.S. Constitution requires, and even without complying with the less-stringent requirements of the 1973 War Powers Resolution. Under that law, a president may send troops into a war only in “a national emergency created by attack upon the United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces.” Obviously that was not the case with Libya. There was never a threat to the United States, and Obama did not even pretend there was. He himself said the purpose of the air mission he and his NATO allies staged was merely to protect Libyan civilians.
 
The Obama administration brushed off this objection by saying that it can use force unilaterally in “the national interest,” a hopelessly vague standard found nowhere in any law.
 
The War Powers Resolution goes on to say that once a president has committed troops on his own say-so, he must obtain congressional authorization within 60 days. That deadline passed long ago. Obama never asked for or received formal authorization. Under those circumstances, he had 30 more days to disengage from the military operation. He has not done that.
 
How much flouting of a simple law can one man be guilty of?
 
With typical arrogance, the administration says the War Powers Resolution is irrelevant because the Libyan civil war does not constitute “hostilities.”
 
So on top of this flagrant lawlessness, Obama insults the intelligence of the American people.
 
Where are those members of Congress who claim to believe in the Constitution and rule of law? If a president can get away with what Obama has pulled, he can get away with anything.
 
It is astounding that an American president unilaterally can send forces into a foreign country, drop bombs, inflict civilian casualties, help overthrow the government — and hardly anyone speaks up for the rule of law. Are the American people so inured to abuse by “their” government?
 
Obama supporters, who happily tolerate what they hated when George W. Bush did it, praise the president for showing the American people how foreign intervention is properly done. We are to believe that all is okay if ground troops are not deployed, American casualties are avoided, the price tag isn’t too great, and NATO seems to be at the forefront. In other words, if only foreigners get killed and maimed because American pilots stay at a safe altitude and pilotless drones shoot their deadly Hellfire missiles, then who cares?
 
We have many reasons to care. The first is that it is nuts to concentrate so much power in the hands of one person. So far, the Libya operation has not blown up in America’s face, but what about the next time? No president can be trusted to decide when an intervention is safe and when it is not. Incidentally, the Libya affair is not over. No one can say with certainty what kind of regime will succeed Qaddafi’s with NATO’s help. The anti-Qaddafi rebels are a disparate collection of people, some of whom are not likely to be Jeffersonian democrats. No decent person will regret seeing Qaddafi brought to justice, but the end does not justify the means.
 
Another reason for concern is that we cannot have liberty and fiscal sanity at home if the U.S. government polices the world, even with congressional approval. Those who think government can be limited while a huge “national security” apparatus runs amuck are woefully mistaken. If they haven’t learned that over the last ten years, then they must have been sleepwalking.
 
Looking for monsters abroad inevitably leads to violations of our freedom and privacy here, not to mention deficit spending with all its attendant evils.
 
The American people have been sold out for the political and economic booty of empire. When will those responsible be brought to justice?
 
Sheldon Richman is senior fellow at The Future of Freedom Foundation (www.fff.org) and editor of The Freeman magazine.

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Stop Obama from Managing the Economy
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Mamblog Section - Foreign Policy, Military and War
Written by Jacob G. Hornberger   
Sunday, 04 September 2011
Stop Obama from Managing the Economy
by Jacob G. Hornberger
 
As the presidential campaign season gets into full swing, be prepared to hear the standard arguments about which candidate and which party is better at managing the economy. The debate surfaces every four years.
 
Republicans will cry, “President Obama and the Democrats have made a mess of the economy. Elect us because we’re able to do a better job at managing the economy. ”
 
It was the same thing four years ago, only then it was the Democrats exclaiming, “President Bush and the Republicans have made a mess of the economy. Elect us because we’re able to do a better job at managing the economy. ”
 
From the standpoint of libertarians, the debate is a silly one. Why? Because neither the president nor the government should be managing the economy. A system in which government officials are managing the economy is inevitably going to be one big messed-up system.
 
It really goes to show that when it comes to economic principles, there isn’t any difference between Republicans and Democrats. They both believe that the president and the federal government should be managing the economy. Their differences arise with respect to which party should be doing the managing and which reform plan for managing it is going to be adopted.
 
Operating within this statist paradigm, Republicans and Democrats are unable to recognize that the nation’s economic woes are rooted in the fact that the government is managing the economy. For them, the economic woes are always rooted in the areas of the economy that are still relatively free of government control. That’s why they inevitably call for more government intervention to solve the nation’s economic woes.
 
Why does managing the economy cause economic woes? When the president, with the support of his myriad departments and agencies, manages the economy, he is engaging in central planning, the same type of central planning that makes big economic messes in socialist countries. As the Nobel Prize-winning libertarian economist Friedrich Hayek pointed out, central planning is an inherently defective paradigm because government officials lack the knowledge and ability to plan the economic activity of hundreds of millions of people.
 
So what is the libertarian approach to the managing-the-economy debate? Contrary to what statists might think, we don’t say that the solution is to get a libertarian into power in order to be a better manager of the economy. Instead, we propose a completely different paradigm to replace the current one — a paradigm that prohibits the president and the federal government from managing the economy.
 
Under the libertarian paradigm, there would be a total separation of economy and state, in the way our American ancestors separated church and state. Rather than having the president and the government managing the economy, people would be free to manage their own individual lives.
 
Under the libertarian paradigm, people would be free to keep everything they earn (that is, no income taxation or IRS) and manage their own lives with their own money, including retirement (no Social Security), health care (no Medicare), education (no government schooling), and charity (no welfare).
 
Libertarianism is the key not only to restoring prosperity, education, health care, and a spirit of voluntary charity to our land, it’s also the key to restoring economic freedom to the American people.
 
Jacob Hornberger is founder and president of The Future of Freedom Foundation (www.fff.org).

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The Next Quagmire: Sanctions and Syria
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Mamblog Section - Foreign Policy, Military and War
Written by Fergus Hodgson   
Sunday, 04 September 2011
The Next Quagmire: Sanctions and Syria
by Fergus Hodgson
 
If trade promotes peace, and it does, then trade sanctions stifle it. That may be simple logic, but it continues to go unnoticed with Washington officials.
The latest nation on the receiving end of economic provocation is Syria. On August 18, Barack Obama froze all Syrian government assets within U.S. jurisdiction and banned American investment in, service trade with, and petroleum imports from Syria. Echoed by officials from other nations, both Obama and Hillary Clinton have called on Bashar al-Assad, president of Syria, to step aside — although they still gave lip service to national sovereignty, saying that “no outside power should impose on [Syria’s] transition.”
 
To justify that move, Clinton denounced Syrian leaders as contemptuous towards their own people, and she asserted an array of atrocities against peaceful demonstrators, including the murder of thousands of unarmed civilians.
 
The story is not that simple, however. Verification of the number of deaths is scant, and the “peaceful demonstrations” could better be described as an armed insurrection. In fact, alongside the insurrection, Damascus has witnessed mass pro-government rallies. Syria also happens to be the leading destination for refugees from Iraq, and as recently as 2009 Obama had sought to ease sanctions, on the basis of “mutual interest and mutual respect” according to his press spokesman).
 
Regardless, al-Assad has dismissed calls for him to step down as meaningless, and trade sanctions will pave the way for military confrontation, not prevent it.
 
Obama’s latest sanctions are an amplification of George W. Bush’s under the 2003 Syria Accountability Act. Congress introduced that legislation against Syria for, you guessed it, support for terrorism, weapons of mass destruction, and, among other things, failure to support American activities in Iraq. Obviously, Syria is a “threat to U.S. national security interests.”
 
Paranoia aside, the track record of trade sanctions does not support their existence. Just take a look at the list of embargoed nations, including Iran, Cuba, North Korea, and Zimbabwe. If anything, sanctions have offered a scapegoat for national officials and galvanized loyalists, who could better demonize the disengaged populations. Most important, sanctions have not led the officials of targeted nations to back down.
 
Worse, sanctions worsen the plight of the poor, scarcely different from open war. 1990s Iraq provides just one compelling example. Impact estimates for deaths for that period, due to sanctions-induced contaminated living conditions and a lack of access to medicines, go as high as 500,000, as John Pilger has documented.
 
Madeleine Albright, U.S. ambassador to the UN at the time, even acknowledged that impact, when she said, “This is a very hard choice, but we think the price is worth it.” Worth it for what? A decade of sanctions only led into the second Gulf War.

U.S. politicians also appear to forget that trade is mutually beneficial, so sanctions are mutually harmful. Blocking Syrian petroleum and business ventures is going to hurt both Syrian and American economic prospects. Moreover, the application of freezes on foreign-owned assets is so vague that it will dissuade further investment here.
 
The selectivity of sanctions is another riddle that further undermines their credibility. Syria mustn’t be lending the United States enough money, because the Chinese government has a record of violent tactics that dwarfs that of Syria. They own $1.2 trillion of the U.S. debt and face no sanctions. They even just received a lecture from Joe Biden on the need for open trade:
 
"I believe history has shown ... that in the long run, greater openness is a source of stability and a sign of strength, that prosperity peaks when governments foster both free enterprise and free exchange of ideas, that liberty unlocks a people’s full potential. And in its absence, unrest festers."

That’s right, Mr. Biden; the absence of trade does allow unrest to fester, just as it will in Syria. There may not be easy answers to the regrettable political conflicts in Syria, but isolation from the rest of the world is not going to help. Even if unintentionally, U.S. officials are setting the stage for military engagement, as they did with Iraq and recently with Libya.

Fergus Hodgson is director of fiscal policy studies with the John Locke Foundation and a policy advisor with The Future of Freedom Foundation (www.fff.org).

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